Introduction

The Arab World which is known for its strict and unchanging government. After 2011, it went through a drastic power transformation with an unprecedented wave of protests and citizen demands. Some countries witnessed large-scale peaceful demonstrations leading to a shift in their ruling regime. On the contrary, in other nations, peaceful demonstrations were met with violent repression, triggering prolonged conflict between the existing authorities and their opponents, involving foreign interference leading to Civil war like situations. Moreover, there were also countries where minimal opposition meant that the ruling party remained unchanged. But a common thread among these nations is the significant role that Civil society played in changing the power dynamics. As Vickie Langohr pointed out-

“A key trend in many Arab liberalising regimes over the past decade has been the rise of advocacy non governmental organisations to the position of primary opposition to authoritarianism against almost complete marginalisation of opposition parties.....liberalisation also created the condition for Arab participants in larger trend : the proliferation of human rights, women’s and environmental groups. With effective opposition all but nonexistent, advocacy non governmental organisations have become the most vocal secular opposition in several Arab countries.” (Langohr pp 181-182)

This article, undertakes an analysis of the concepts of 'civil society' and 'power'. The objective is to explore the relationship between these two concepts. The article focuses on Arab Spring as a case study, with a particular emphasis on civil society groups in Tunisia, Egypt, and Syria.

Civil Society

Civil society is a set of voluntary associations formed by individuals or groups where people can come together to pursue common interests, goals and values. It is the result of freedom of association and acts as a bedrock of civil liberties. It serves as a channel of communication between individual and the state, functioning as a shock- absorber in the event of mounting tension. Civil society is also characterised by diversity and pluralism. It encompasses a wide range of groups and organisations, including advocacy groups, book clubs, poetry club, trade union and more. As argued by Chambers and Kopstein, “these are things we choose to do; they are not mandated by law.” (Chambers & Kopstein, 2006, pp 365).

Historically, it was Hegel who defined civil society as the intermediate space between the family and the state, where individuals interacted with each other to serve their self-interest. Karl Marx, accepted Hegel’s description of Civil society, but rejected the distinction between civil society and the state, viewing both as elements of the superstructure influenced by the economic base. In the twentieth century, the definition evolved further, encompassing Civil society not only as the space between the state and family but also extending into areas of culture, ideology, and political discourse. This expanded perspective was notably championed by the Italian Marxist thinker Antonio Gramsci (Kaldor, 2003, pp 585) .Thus, the idea of civil society continues to change and develop over time. As Mary Kaldor argued, this changing definition of civil society expressed the different ways in which consent was generated in different periods. It is the process through which individuals negotiate, argue, struggle against or agree with each other and with the renters of political and economic authority. (Kaldor, 2003, pp 585)

During the 1970s and 80s, the idea of civil society gained renewed importance in political spheres, particularly in Latin America and Eastern Europe (Kaldor, 2003, pp 586). Civil society became a crucial arena where individuals and groups sought to challenge unresponsive and authoritarian states using peaceful and non-violent methods. This involved various activities such as strikes, protest marches, demonstrations, sharing information through informal networks, and the creation of associations. People established reading clubs and discussion forums to foster dialogue and engagement in these societies (Chandhoke, 2007, pp 607). Connecting the role of Civil society during the Arab spring in my analysis I have found that during the power transition process, some Countries were very much successful in establishing a democratic system such as Tunisia, Jordan, Lebanon. While some countries did face power transition but still in a developing stage such as Morocco, Algeria, Egypt. While in some instances I have found out that this transition has completely led to the rise of the Civil war. For example, in Syria, Yemen,Libya. But a common thread that I have found is that the role of Civil society is very much visible in most of these Arab countries. They in some form or other acted as a mobilising force for democratisation, monitored human rights violations, sought International support and acted as bridge between the public and the government.

Power

In theory, “power refers to the ability to do things and the capacity to produce effects within social interaction” (Menon, 2016, pp 1). In international Relations, the concept of power has evolved through various faces - the first stage is the Realist view, which characterises power in material and normative terms. The second face is the liberal face of power - its emphasis on the role of institutions. Apart from material, this view takes into account variables like relationships and norms. The third stage introduces the Gramscian view of power- it considers how social structure and socially privileged actors could manipulate less privileged ones. It broadened the study to include weaker states and challenged the state centric approach. Finally, the fourth stage of power brings us to the constructivist view - in this perspective power is seen in the process by which social meaning and actors are produced through discourse. This view gives importance to perception and takes into account different points of view (Mattern, pp 1-2). In the Arab Spring, the nature of the authoritarian regime was centralised where power was exercised by a single leader or a small group having significant control over the government and the society. Political structures in this regime are hierarchical, with the leader at the top, followed by a chain of command that enforces policies and suppresses dissent. leaders like Ben Ali in Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, Gaddafi in Libya, and Bashar al-Assad in Syria wielded immense power, controlling not only the government but also the military, media, and key institutions (Dabashi, 2012, pp 18-25). These leaders often maintained power through hereditary succession, military support, or manipulation of electoral processes, creating a facade of legitimacy. They also employ repressive control mechanism to maintain their grip such as censorship of media and the internet, surveillance of the citizen, arbitrary arrest, torture and so on. This is similar to the Gramscian view of power where leaders in position use power as domination in suppressing dissent. Vickie Langohr argues most opposition groups receive no television or radio coverage, and the party newspapers are their only means of communication for them. She also notes that large opposition gatherings are frequently surreptitiously monitored by police, if they are permitted at all (Langohr, 2004, pp 188).

Civil Society and Power Dynamics

In the Arab world, we can identify comparable situations where civil society has actively resisted authoritarian regimes and advocated for democracy. According to Laith Kubba, ‘the “awakening of civil society'' would lead Arabs to the “promised land” of democratisation just as it had done for Eastern Europe in the. 1980’s’(Cavatorta, 2012, pp 76). For instance, in Tunisia, after the Self- immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi, a fruit vendor in Sidi Bouzid, massive protest spread across the country against the dictatorial regime of President Zine EL Abidin Ben Ali, many of the organisations that support the demonstrations are civil society groups demanding step down of the president. One of such organisations was Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT). Initially, during the early phase of the uprisings, UGTT acted as a mediator between the state and protesters. Later, it shifted its stance and supported the movement. The Bar Association also encouraged its members to participate in national protests in 2011. Various worker unions, such as the Secondary School Teachers' Union, Primary School Teachers Union, Health Workers Union, and Postal Workers Union, were integral to Tunisia's civil society. On January 14, 2011, UGTT led a massive demonstration where citizens from all regions protested against the president (Meltz, 2016, pp- 25-26). Apart from UGTT, human rights groups, particularly the Tunisian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LTDH), emerged as strong opposition voices. Founded in 1977, LTDH criticised Ben Ali's regime, especially during the military trials of Islamist activists in 1991 and 1992. The regime attempted to silence LTDH by forbidding associations to have party leaders on their boards as LTDH had mandated that they accept all interested parties as members. This organisation eventually included many outspoken leaders and further collaborated with the National Council on Liberties in Tunisia (CNLT) making the opposition more strong. (Langohr, 2004, pp 183-184) Therefore, as a result of subsequent presentation, it ultimately resulted in the downfall of the Ben Ali Government in Tunisia and the successful shift to a democratic system.

After the Tunisia incident, protests have also started in Egypt against the Mubarak regime who was in power since 1981. The protestor demanded for him to step down, however he refused to do so. Furthermore he also used force in suppressing the movements against him. So as a result, to express their opinion and protest against the regime, protestors use social media backed by Civil society groups. One of such movements was the The April 6 youth Movement. Where activists wear back and stay at home on the day of strike. Citizens used Facebook, Twitter, blogs and other new media tools to report the strike. This online protest helped civil societies to mobilise and co-ordinate street presence, build narrative of resistance, forge international solidarity among like minded movements from other parts of the world and create a new form of political participation and Civic engagement (The Technology & Social group). Another important movement that took place in Egypt is the Kifaya movement. The movement organised unauthorised demonstrations, directly criticising Mubarak and other members of the ruling elite. This group also organises various protests in and around university campuses, Cairo book fair, Tahrir square, etc. (Kifaya, 2010) On February 10, Mubarak addressed the citizens promising reform and pledging not to stand for re-election but still refusing to go. Demonstrators demand from him to go. The following day on 11 February, Omar Suleiman, the newly appointed vice president announced that Hosni Mubarak had stepped down and that the army was now in charge. (Dabashi, 2012, pg 19). Though there was a change in power, it was not a successful democratic transition, it's still in the developing stage. The reason for this in my opinion lies with the laws that made the formation of civil society difficult. The right to freedom of organisation in Egypt is restricted. NGO’s in Egypt had to register and acquire a licence through government approval, which is difficult to get. Moreover the law of Egypt prohibits any kind of affiliation with any foreign organisation (Dabashi, 2012). Furthermore, Niklas Plaetzer equated “Civil society” of Egypt with Karl Marx’s “bourgeois society”. He believed the so-called Civil society leaders strengthen the elitist imposition. He justified showing evidence how the leader of the civil society groups supported the Military Coup of July 2013 which ousted the democratically elected president Mohammed Morsi, preferring a return to a Mubarak era status quo of extensive military power (Plaetzer, 2014 pp -261).

In Libya, various civil society groups, including human rights organisations and local community networks, were active during the early stages of the Libyan uprising.These groups had common objectives, including documenting human rights violations and providing assistance to those affected by the conflict. On 5 February 2011, the Syrians declared the ‘day of rage’ using Twitter and Facebook (Dabashi, 2012 pg- 24), The Local Coordinating Committees(LCCs) which serve as an overarching organisation unites various local committees formed in neighbourhood cities, and villages across the country since the start of the Syrian uprising. Originally established to coordinate and document local revolutionary activities, these groups consist mainly of young Syrian journalists and human rights activists from diverse backgrounds in terms of ethnicity, religion, and social class. Their primary role has been to report news and on-the-ground developments in Syria, disseminating this information to both Arab and international media outlets. The LCC media office plays a crucial role by collecting, verifying, and sharing real-time updates about the uprising through their website and Facebook page. Additionally, the local committees actively promote civil disobedience as a strategy to challenge the Assad regime (Syria In Crisis, 2012). However it’s important to note that as the conflict in Syria with time became even more militarised and complex. Space for civil society activists diminishes in many areas. President Assad accused the protest of being Israeli agents. He intensified the Crackdown. In May, Syrian army tanks entered Deraa, Banyas, Homs and suburbs of Damascus trying to catch anti-regime protests leading Syria to a Civil war (Dabashi, 2012, pg 22). However, the efforts of the civil society groups and activists in changing the power dynamics in the early stages of the Arab Spring contributed to raising awareness about the grievances of the Syrian people and the need for political change.

Weaponization of Civil Society Groups

In the Recent times, while civil society is often seen as a force for positive change and democratisation, it is also important to acknowledge that civil society groups can also be weaponized by both internal and external actors to serve specific agendas. This weaponization can undermine the intended democratic functions of civil society and can have profound implications for the power dynamics within a country. In the context of the Arab Spring, external actors, including foreign governments and international organisations, sometimes provided support to civil society groups to promote their own geopolitical interests. For instance, some Western governments funded specific NGOs and activist groups in countries like Egypt and Syria, aiming to influence the direction of the uprisings and the subsequent political transitions. While this support often came under the guise of promoting democracy and human rights, it could also be seen as an attempt to shape the political landscape in a way that aligned with the donors' strategic interests. For example, in Egypt, the Mubarak regime tolerated a limited number of NGOs that were carefully monitored and restricted to ensure they did not pose a significant threat to the regime’s stability (Dabashi, 2012)..In Syria, the Assad regime labelled opposition civil society groups as terrorist organisations or foreign agents, using this narrative to justify harsh crackdowns and delegitimize genuine grassroots movements (Syria In Crisis, 2012). This strategy of discrediting and attacking civil society played a significant role in suppressing the early stages of the uprising and contributed to the overall militarization and fragmentation of the conflict. Understanding the potential for the weaponization of civil society adds a crucial dimension to our analysis of the Arab Spring. It highlights the complexities and challenges faced by genuine civil society groups operating in highly contested and politically charged environments. It also underscores the importance of ensuring that support for civil society is both context-sensitive and responsive to the needs of local actors, rather than being driven by external strategic interests

Conclusion

Thus, the Arab spring stands as a remarkable chapter in the history of the Arab world. It witnessed a complex interplay between the Civil society groups and transformation of power structure. for instance in libya where we have seen how Civil society has played an active role in overthrowing the Ben Ali regime. While in the case of Libya and Syria, Civil society initially played a significant role in documenting activities of the government, but eventually failed to sustain due to increasing intervention by the state.

However, despite challenges, these groups found ways to oppose the structure. Fransceso Cavatorta specified two reasons in this concern- firstly, youth of Arab countries are very much frustrated with the state of their country and with the lack of opportunity for a better future. They felt disconnected not only from the regime’s authoritarian rule and corrupt practices, but also from the opposition leaders who had compromised with the regime(Cavatorta, 2012, pg). Eventually this frustration and discontentment with the regime, led the youth to join the civil society groups which provided a platform to them to raise their voice against the regime. For instance the UCTT group in Tunisia, as we have talked about earlier, has encouraged massive demonstrations where citizens from all regions protested against the president Ben Ali. Apart from the Youth factor, the second factor that he talked about is the role of social media. People have taken up the web with great enthusiasm to discuss all sorts of matters as it seemed to be the only place available to discuss social, economic and political issues. Activists communicate online and establish meeting points and activities to be undertaken. (Cavatorta, 2012, pp 78-79) Therefore, these are some of the ways through which civil society tried to change the power structure for establishing democratic culture in the region. It laid the foundations which are essential for democracy such as respect for human rights, rule of law, freedom of expression and so on.

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